Better because they have, yeah, because there are people online so they
have to listen to you and to see you. So please come in. This is your, I
mean. So I present now Professor Helena Whittaker from the University of
Gothenburg and she is going to speak about, I mean the title of her
presentation is From Bronze to Iron, The Demise of Mycenaean Religion. I do
know you have like 30 minutes in, the stage is yours. Okay. Thank you very
much. You're welcome. And thank you very much for inviting me to this
conference. It's been wonderful so far. Okay, so the concept of religious
continuity is tricky and hard to define as beliefs and rituals can lose
their imaginative power through the passage of time as well as being the
result of specific events. Moreover, religious change is affected in
various ways by social and political events. Moreover, sorry, it's affected
in various ways by social and political developments which in a prehistoric
context may be difficult to recognize from the archaeological record. In
this paper, I discuss religious change in relation to the end of the
palatial period and to the transition from bronze to iron as the main metal
for tools and weapons. The question of religious continuity within the
Bronze Age itself and between the Bronze Age and later periods has been
discussed since the beginning of Mycenaean archaeology and is still a
matter of controversy. Susan Lupak has recently argued that the
archaeological evidence indicates that there was a good deal of continuity
regarding beliefs as well as ritual practices, not only between the
palatial and the post-palatial periods but also between the Bronze Age and
later historical periods. Similarities in offerings and sacrificial
practice as well as the abiding ritual significance of the household hearth
can be seen as evidence for continuity of ritual activities and perhaps
also beliefs into the historical Greek period. The destruction of the
palaces and the end of the palatial system of rule around 1200 BC was the
political turning point which had social and cultural implications. Since
the palatial elites had relied on ostentatious religious rituals to
communicate their status and power, it also affected religious practice.
However, the extent to which it affected religious beliefs and rituals at
the non-elite level is debatable. The beginning of the Iron Age seems to
represent a more radical process of religious change which I suggest was
related to the introduction of iron technology. The evidence for religious
activities in the late Helladic 3C period can be recognized as largely
continuing the tradition of the palatial period. Dimitra Rousiotis has
pointed out that built sanctuaries and open-air cult places that seem not
to have been under palatial control were not noticeably affected by the
collapse of the palatial system. Evidence for ritual continuity of
sanctuaries into the late Helladic 3C period has been recognized at a wide
range of sites, including Sumgiza, Kinortion, Arashneion, Kalapodi, Lycaon,
Amiklai, Olympia and Delphi on the Greek mainland and Oros on Aeina, Aia
Irini on Kea and Philopopeia Melas on the islands. Continuity of ritual
expression between the palatial and post-palatial periods can also be
recognized in the new sanctuaries that were established in the late
Helladic 3C period. The success of small sanctuaries in the Unterburg at
Turin continue the tradition from the palatial period of small buildings
with terracotta statues placed on benches or platforms. Gabriella Albers
has argued that the statues were taken out on ritual occasions and carried
in processions, indicating the persistence then also of ritual practice
between the palatial and post-palatial periods. In the Argolid, isolated
building activities in the rooms of the palaces would seem to indicate that
some form of political and social order was re-established quite soon after
the destructions. At Tiryns and Medea, narrow freestanding buildings with a
central colonnade were constructed over the ruins of the palatial Megara.
The foundations of a similar Megara-like building have been excavated at
Mycenae and Elizabeth French has suggested that it may date to the
post-palatial period rather than to the 8th century as previously thought.
It differs, however, from the buildings at Tiryns and Medea in that it does
not have a central colonnade. In the palatial period, religious rituals
played an important role in maintaining the status of the Wanachs, the
Mycenaean ruler. The palatial Megara is believed to have had both a
religious and political significance which was materialized in the throne
and central hearth, often termed the Hearth-Wanachs ideology. It is only at
Tiryns that there is any substantial evidence for a post-palatial political
and religious revival. The Citadel area was cleared of destruction debris
and the long, narrow building known as Building T was built over the ruins
of the palatial Megara. Building T consisted of a main room with a porch or
an ante-room and as such seems to be in the architectural tradition of the
palatial period. In contrast, however, it stood as an isolated structure
which was not integrated into the larger architectural context. Moreover,
the organization of interior space in Building T was quite different from
the palatial Megara. A central colonnade divided the main room and the
porch into two aisles. There was no central hearth, but the platform where
the palatial throne had stood it seems had been deliberately preserved. It
may have continued to support a wooden throne and Joseph Moran has
interpreted the preservation of the platform as a link to the palatial
rulers. The only other post-palatial structure on the upper Citadel at
Tiryns was a square hearth or altar at the end of what had been the
palatial court. It was almost but not quite on axis with the entrance to
Building T. A round altar that had stood there in the palatial period had
been incorporated into the platform. This can be interpreted as evidence
for religious continuity but also as evidence for religious replacement. In
the palatial period, the open-air court had been surrounded by high walls
indicating probably that participating in ritual activities was restricted.
So this is how it looks in the palatial period and this is how it has been
reconstructed in the post-palatial period. In connection with the
construction of Building T and the altar, the remains of the palace have
been leveled off creating an open area around Building T. The upper Citadel
area would have been much more accessible than in the palatial period and
allowed more people to come together and participate in the ritual
activities at the altar. The more open post-palatial version of the court
suggests that the new rulers then at Tiryns had different political and
religious priorities from their predecessors. There is no direct evidence
from within Building T that it had a ritual significance. Joseph Moran has
suggested that it primarily had a political function and was used for
feasting and council meetings. However, the alignment with the altar in the
court suggests that Building T was in some way associated with the
religious rituals that took place at the altar. Moreover, the absence of a
central hearth within Building T can be regarded as a deliberate rejection
of the Heart I-X ideology of the palatial period which then was
materialized in the relationship between the throne and the central hearth.
It seems therefore that the post-palatial rulers at Tiryns legitimized
their status through the introduction of new and possibly more inclusive
and popular ritual forms. The outdoor setting where more people could come
together and the focus on visibility suggests that the new rulers at Tiryns
were deliberately distancing themselves from the religious practices of
their predecessors and sought to introduce new rituals possibly based on
what had previously been mainly associated with non-palatial sanctuaries.
There is no evidence from the altar of the rituals that took place there,
but the accessibility and open-air settings seem important and may
represent then ritual practices that in the palatial period were mostly
associated with popular religion. In the later Greek period, the main
ritual for sacrificial communication with the gods was through burnt animal
sacrifice at an outdoor altar. Whether or not burnt animal sacrifice goes
back to the Bronze Age has been much debated, but there is now good
evidence that it was part of the religious landscape of the late Bronze
Age, or of the late palatial period at least. Burnt animal sacrifice has
been recognized more or less convincingly at several sanctuary sites in
different parts of the Greek mainland, including Lycaon in Arcadia, at
Eleusis, at Kynorthion, at Papylos, Methena and perhaps in the cult center
at Mycenae. Large quantities of burnt bones that were recovered from an
extensive burnt layer in the open-air sanctuary at Kynorthion indicates
that the practice may go back to at least to the late Allatic II period.
Jörg Weil-Härtner has presented and discussed the evidence from the
Linear B tablets, which then supports the archaeological evidence. In the
later Greek period, burnt animal sacrifice involved the burning of specific
parts of the animal. The evidence from the individual cult places where
burnt animal sacrifice has been recognized or suggested in the Bronze Age
indicates that the practice was quite diverse, and apart from burning
certain parts of the animal there was no fixed procedure as is the case in
the historical period. At Pylos, six deposits of burnt animal bones dating
to the final period of the palace, which derive from Blegen's excavations,
have been interpreted as the remains of burnt animal sacrifice. The bones
were completely burnt and consisted almost entirely of parts of the head
and legs of cattle. Of considerable interest is the fact that deposits
found at Pylos were from specific parts of the animal. They might therefore
seem to present a remarkable concurrence with the later Greek evidence,
where selected parts of the animal were burnt as the god's portion. The
bones include mandibles, femurs and the humerus. As the thigh bones of
sheep, goat and cattle were normally the bones which were burnt in later
Greek sacrifice, the nature of the selection then is interesting. It is
impossible to prove, but I suggest then that the open-air altar at Tiryns
may have represented the introduction of burnt animal sacrifice for the new
rulers to legitimize their power by appealing then to a popular ritual. The
transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age was marked by religious
change. Many of the Bronze Age sanctuaries that were still in use were
abandoned, indicating a comprehensive and fundamental change in the
religious worldview of the population of the Greek mainland. As many Bronze
Age rituals seem to have lost their relevance and imaginative power. I
suggest that this may be related to the introduction of iron technology.
Stephanie Alsebrook has recently stressed that bronze played a crucial role
in the distinctive sociopolitical trajectory of the Mycenaean states. The
economy and relations with the outside world were based on access to
sources of copper and tin. Bronze and metalworking were integrated into
social and cultural practice, which would have included relations with the
supernatural. Greek religion then in the Bronze Age was quite literally a
religion of bronze. This was materially expressed in religious contexts and
informed ritual activities. The distant origins of copper and tin, as well
as the shining surface of finished bronze objects would have aligned bronze
as a material and the process of bronze working with the world of the gods.
Sandra Blakely Westover has emphasized that in the Near East, including
Cyprus, metallurgical installations were often found with, metallurgical
workshops are often found associated with cult places from the late Bronze
Age onwards. This is a case in Cyprus with the main source of copper for
the Mycenaeans. Metallurgical installations for the smelting of copper have
been identified within the areas of Enkomi and of the sanctuaries at Enkomi
and at Ketion. The ritual associations then of copper metallurgy in Cyprus
were materialized in the so called ingot god, a bronze male figurine
standing on an ingot, which was found in the sanctuary at Enkomi. Similar
figurines have also been found in the Mycenaean area. Two were found in a
13th century context in the vicinity of the sanctuary at Philakopea. At
Mycenae, a figurine dating to the 12th century was found near the Lion
Gate. Another example comes from an unknown find spot at Tiryns. Bronze
artefacts are commonly found in religious contexts also on the Greek
mainland in the late Bronze Age. An early example is a votive deposit of
swords from the open air sanctuary at Cynarthion. The deposit consisted of
both actual weapons, daggers, spearheads, a large bronze double axe and
votive replicas including several smaller double axes made of sheet bronze.
Furthermore, there is some evidence from the Mycenaean area for bronze
working in a ritual context. At Philakopea, a fragment of a clay mould and
a piece of bronze slag were found in the east shrine. Fragments of bronze
were found in the west shrine and outside in the courtyard, indicating that
metal working took place in the area of the sanctuary. At the open air
sanctuary at Oros on Aena, the movable finds include a stone mould and a
miniature bronze ingot dating to the 12th century. The religious
significance of bronze and bronze working is represented in the cult centre
at Mycenae. The wall painting in the house with the fresco depicts two
large female figures, most likely goddesses or they have been interpreted
as such, who stand facing each other. They are framed by elaborately
decorated columns indicating an indoor setting, possibly representing the
sanctuary itself. One of the women is holding an outside sword in front of
her, the other woman is holding a spear. Two small, seemingly naked figures
with outstretched arms float in mid-air between the two women and seem to
be moving towards the female figure with the sword. They have been
convincingly identified as worshippers by Paul Rehap, but they can be more
closely related to the sword and be identified as bronze spits in this
service of the goddess. A number of terracotta figures holding axe hammers,
which were found in the sanctuary known as the temple in the cult centre at
Mycenae, may also refer to the ritual aspects of bronze working. Axe
hammers are multi-purpose tools which are then commonly used in metalwork.
Okay, and I realize this is speculative but still. The early Iron Age was a
time of transformation and cultural reorientation including in the
religious worldview. Many of the sanctuaries were abandoned and that has
still been in use at the end of the late Bronze Age, indicating that the
beliefs and rituals associated with them were no longer relevant. Sometime
during the Iron Age burnt animal sacrifice becomes the main ritual for
communicating with the gods. The descriptions of burnt animal sacrifice in
the Iliad and in the Theogony indicate that there was a process of
standardization to which the poems may also have contributed. Walter
Buchert has emphasized that communication with the gods was through fire.
An interest in burning bones and flesh manifests itself also in funerary
practices and rituals with the introduction of cremation in the late
Helladic 3C period. Vincent Desperaux has pointed out that there seems to
be a connection between iron and cremation, but that it is difficult to
establish what it might be. But burnt animal sacrifice, cremation and iron
technology are linked by the transformative role of fire. Weapons and tools
made of iron need to be hardened in order to be functional. In antiquity
the most common hardening process was carburization in which the finished
artifacts were heated and exposed to carbon. Cremation and burnt animal
sacrifice are practices that produce bone coal and bone ash, and the use of
burnt bones as a source of carbon in the carburization process of iron
artifacts is attested ethnographically. It has been suggested then for the
Nordic Bronze Age or for the Nordic Iron Age that the remains of cremation
were used in the carburization process of iron. I have not, however, been
able to find any direct evidence that the remains of cremation and burnt
animal sacrifice might have been used in the carburization process during
the Greek Iron Age. However, at Parati there is evidence for the deliberate
crushing of burnt bones before they were removed from the pyre, which
suggests that they were intended for some other use. Moreover, there is
some evidence for the metallurgical use of bones in the Late Bronze Age. In
the workshop at the Sanctuary of Ketion on Cyprus, bone ash seems to have
been used as a fluxing material in smelting copper. In Unit 4.1 at Nikoria,
the presence of animal bones, carbonized material and metal scraps suggests
some kind of connection between burnt animal bones and metalworking. It may
further be relevant that the killed swords found in elite male burials in
the early Iron Age indicate that weapons were in some sort humanized. They
had an individuality and a life course. Like their owners, they are born
and die. The power of the ancestors inheriting the meaning of material
objects is often referred to in the Iliad. In early Greek literature, the
association between metal and religion is reflected in the poems of Hesiod.
In the works and days he describes a succession of races which are
differentiated through their association with different metals. The
relationship between humans and gods is also defined by metal. Hesiod's
myth of the races can be interpreted as a poetic version of the association
of the symbolic and religious aspects of bronze and iron which may reflect
an actual metallurgical process. To conclude, continuity of ritual activity
is difficult to establish and I suggest that perhaps continuity is not a
particularly useful term. Things change all the time and without any
specific events taking place, there's no deliberate substitution of one set
of ritual beliefs and practices for another. But that over a period of time
they will come to be very different which I believe is the case if you
compare the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. Thank you very much for listening.
We can now move on to the next presentation. I call Irene Serrano-Laguna
from the International University of Medellín. Juan Piquero from the UNED
and Eugenio Lujan from the University of Madrid. I think I'll sit here and
so will you. Good afternoon. Thank you all very much. I was going to thank
the organiser, but it's a bit of a shame that I have to thank him when we
have him here participating in this three-person convo. We decided to make
the presentation in English and we are going to talk in Spanish. Just to be
a little bit kind with our foreign colleagues that have been here for a
long day listening to communication papers in Spanish. So I'll speak in
Spanish, but you will see that we have a PowerPoint in English. I say this
for those who follow us online. And well, I'm going to start with the
title, as you may have seen in the programme, which is Animals and Masks on
Mycenaean Pseudonyms. And let's move on. We have several parts. As you can
see, we are going to examine at first the pseudonyms of the Tebano archive
and then parallels of the second and first millennium that support the
hypothesis that we are going to present. The interpretation that we believe
has more support to be more verisimilar. First of all, as I mentioned, we
are going to review the Tebano pseudonyms. Among the novelties that the
Tebano corpus offers us, an especially controversial aspect is that some of
the tablets of the series FQ, FT, GP and GF found in the excavations of
Calle Pelopidou, which are the most recent because they have been
discovered more than 20 years ago, and 22 since the first edition was
published. Some of these tablets record various food products, in addition
to names of people, which seem to be names of animals. Products such as
wine, olives and cereals. Pseudonyms are registered in full writing, not in
logographic form, in the same position within the text that would occupy
antonyms, anthroponyms or designations of working groups. In the rest of
the files, animals that are part of the cattle registry are witnessed
through logograms or a syllabogram that works as an abbreviation. Also in
themes we find this type of mention of domestic animals preserved in the
nodules. In addition, in several files there are pseudonyms written without
abbreviation that are part of the onomastics in anthroponyms and toponyms.
I remember what we said this morning about the cuneus found in the table of
Mycenae, SFU 711. It has been mentioned here that it is an anthroponym. Now
we will see if it is related to the name for dog in Greek. Ctebanas are
snakes, in plural dative epetoi, in those tables you see on the PowerPoint.
There is a GP of 107.2, 164.1, 181.1, 184 in line 2, 196 in line 2, 201 in
line B, 233.2. It is a receptive dative in these 7 tables of the GP series,
in which wine games are distributed. Although the majority interpretation
of snakes has also been discussed if the term refers to quadrupeds or
reptiles, understood as animals that crawl on the ground in opposition to
birds. The ocas, in plural nominative canes, in FT 182 in line 2, although
the reading in the second syllabogram of the term, the ne, is very doubtful
and the word could not be complete. In genitive plural cano, in FT 217 and
in dative plural casi, in FT 141, 220, 234 and in three fragmented tables.
And also the editors suggest the possibility of attestation in two tables
in an even more fragmentary state. The FT series registers a distribution
of olives and the FQ series registers the product or interpreted
conventionally as cebada. Mules are also attested in dative plural, in
millionoi, in GP 129 and 237, although this last table is only appreciated
in the first syllabogram, the rest has been reconstructed. It is also a
receptive dative of wine games. Dogs in plural nominative, cune, which is
what we talked about before, the parallel that Mycenae had, which in
principle is understood, Professor Varias also defends the interpretation
as an anthroponym. Consumably, in FQ 292, although the table is very
doubtful and is not clearly distinguished. In genitive plural cune, in
those tables you see there, and in dative plural casi, in FQ 130. Dogs
appear as receptors of cebadas on five occasions, in dative or nominative
of rubric and with a genitive that is more difficult to explain than
perhaps with a partitive use. And in genitive we also find them, along with
other anthroponyms, in a wine distribution table in GP. And GF, which
distributes the weight of some type of product that has not been clearly
defined and that publishers have chosen to consider some kind of species.
Birds in plural dative, onishi, as a receptor dative of the producer again,
it is interpreted as cebada. Crickets in plural dative, kerenai. Receptors
also of cebada, in FQ and wine in GP. A pig, although this term is less
clear than it refers to an animal, but hey, it's one of the major
interpretations in principle. Olives receptor dative, if we understand it
as a receptor. Of course, the particularity would be that this does not
appear in plural, which complicates this mention having a parallel meaning
to others. It has also been proposed that it is a term that refers to
olives. Well, these are the mentions themselves. If we go to the
interpretations that have been given, there is a general agreement that
these seven mentions are names of animals. The discrepancies arise when
specifying the nature of these enigmatic pseudonyms. The main choice is
that the products that are reviewed are food products that seem inadequate
for animals. We have seen in particular that wine, olives and cereals are
offered, which have been interpreted as food rations or offerings. Several
authors have tried to unravel the role played by the pseudonyms, giving
various interpretations that are divided between those who consider them
sacred, those who consider them totally secular, those who believe they
would have some implication in the religious life of the city. There are
also those who see these terms as direct designations of animals, those who
see people, those who more specifically define them as part of human
reality. According to these divisions, the interpretations can be
summarized in this picture that you see, in which we have reviewed the
different categories and authors. Sacred animals would be interpreted by
the publishers of Astablillas, who were the first to give an interpretation
for these terms, but they were also the first to read the texts themselves.
They think they are animals linked to Demeter and that they have an
essential role in the cult of Eusis. They would be living animals, in their
understanding, that would inhabit the vicinity of the Mother Earth
sanctuary, since according to what they defend, in Astablillas we find the
names of people in charge of taking care of these animals. This hypothesis
was not well received by the scientific community, and it has mostly been
ruled out. Melena draws attention to the fact that the wine reviewed in the
GP series could not be part of the feeding of animals, and at first
suggested that these designations could allude to some kind of totemic
representations. Palaima thinks we are dealing with mere animals, and does
not explain why wine is distributed to them. Diou gives a lay
interpretation, and insists on the laicity of the terms. He believes that
we are dealing with anthroponyms, or perhaps toponyms, he leaves open the
possibility that they are nets or names of trade. And finally, the
interpretation that we are going to develop more in depth in this
communication is that of cultural titles, people who participate in the
cult, which was an interpretation anticipated by Professor Jörg
Weilhardner, who is here today, and which came to the same conclusion as
Professor Richard Belli, without having heard of the contribution of
either. The fact that both scholars would have reached the same conclusion
separately obviously adds added value to this proposal. Both considered
that these animal names would be given to groups of people, added to the
cult, who would wear animal masks and participate in some religious
ceremony. Among the main arguments that support his hypothesis are certain
parallels of written sources in the first millennium, which we will examine
now, and other iconographic parallels or iconographic evidences that we are
going to examine throughout this communication. I don't know if you want to
change places? No, I think it's fine. Well then, as Irene said, we are
going to move on, although it is a well-known issue and the parallels in
the first millennium have already been pointed out by some of the previous
researchers, such as Professor Jörg Weilhardner, but it is interesting to
take into account that in the first millennium there are multiple occasions
in which we find animal names to refer to groups of people who participate
in different cults. The designation of the maidens who participated in the
festival in honor of the goddess Artemis in Braurón is well known. Here I
have put a very cited passage from the Lysistrata, from Aristophanes, where
the chronology of the participation of the girls depended on their age. At
seven years old they were called arreforas, then they were called
molinderas or molineras when they were ten years old and finally, dressed
in a saffron-colored tunic, they became donkeys in these rites developed in
Braurón. In addition, we have not included the evidence of the statues
found there, but it is a sanctuary where excavations have provided enough
material referring precisely to these girls. We also find that the
designation of bulls is used on different occasions to refer to
participants in rituals or priests. We have a mention, the main source in
this case is Athenaeum, which tells us that at the Poseidon festival in
Ephesus the young men, in this case they are of male sex, who were in
charge of the winemaking at the Poseidon festival, were called bulls. We
also have the use of the designation of polois, that is, of potros or
potras, depending on whether they are people of female or male sex, in
different places. For example, the girls who participated in the cult of
the Leucippids in Sparta were called in this way and we have testimony of
it in Esikio, where Suboque Polia gives us this information. Also when
talking about Suboque Polos in Esikio, some more information is given
again, although it is not so explicit, it is clear that it is referring to
this same festival. It is usually interpreted as the title of a priest, the
mention that appears in this inscription in IG 51444, which can be dated
between the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, where there is a character who is
defined as Polos Damatric Corai, that is, he would be a priest in Suboque.
And then, without trying to be exhaustive, it is also well known that the
designation of Melisai appears, that is, of bees, as the name of several
groups of priestesses and there are several sources we have for this. I say
that it refers to priestesses in different places and with different
performance. They are mentioned in Delfos, also as priestesses of Apollo,
they are mentioned by Callimachus. They also appear in the cult of Demeter
and Artemis according to the scolios of Pindaros and also with Porphyry and
also appear as priestesses in the cult of Cybeles. I say this without
trying to be exhaustive because there are some more sources that could
still be added, such as those of animal designations to refer to people who
participate in the cult, whether they were, this is a question that must be
clarified later, we will try to do it, groups of priests or priestesses, or
whether they were occasional participants in the cult who did not have to
dedicate themselves let's say in a professional way to it. However, the
question that remains and that we will continue to address is whether these
groups of people who participated in the cult wore masks and or were also
dressed as animals. And that will be a question that we will address a
little later about the ritual theriomorphism that we also find in the first
millennium in several areas of Greece, but especially in Arcadia and
Cyprus, but we also have to consider the possibility that they could
receive these denominations without really wearing the characterization
that was that of those animals. So that will be something that we will also
address in what comes next. We have some examples of this, such as these
hippos which are a fiasco related to the cult of Dionysus in Athens and in
this case they do not seem to be characterized as horses but were simply
called so. Well, I'm going to continue in this part where we simply intend
to prove the existence of ritual theriomorphism in the second millennium,
that there is no excessive data, now we will see it, but there is data. It
has been raised, right? Walhainer here has raised if there was this
possibility of wearing masks, let's say with animal masks in the second
millennium and Arus has done the same or more recently in an article he
made in honor of John Janger where it is also important that there are no
ritual texts in the Mycenaean field to be able to judge this with a little
more criterion. This image of Tyrinthe has been shown more times especially
by Professor Walhainer to whom we owe the appointment. Here you can also
see some individuals that are probably people characterized as animals
because they are standing, let's say in the riton. The well-known fresco of
the Casa Tuntas of Mycenae, Walhainer and before him it had been discussed
if the Emilionoi were this kind of animals. Alberto Bernabe here also
suggests that he has a relationship with the term Topaporoi, therefore he
considers them humans but Black Holmer also here considers that it would
not be let's say a case of human-ritual ethereomorphism but that it would
be impossible. Gabriela Ricciardelli says no, she also says that it is
impossible and that she does not understand but there are possibilities
that this genius may be. In Mokros a Larnax has also appeared where this
figure appears that lately Soles and others have said that it can be a
Mycenaean version of Anubis. I have to say that I do not know. He has a
knife here, right? It seems to be a man or a woman but well, I don't know.
And there is also this hydra of Naxos where the archaeologist says
recognize, although I confess that it is difficult for me, the head of a
horse, a bird and a cat. These are all signs that have been very worked on,
especially by Professor Vakolmer. And where it has been said now we will
see what has been said but first I am going to simply say what they are.
Bull-man, right? There are two different typologies in principle, this one
that looks from the front and this other. It is a unicorn and here it is
clearly seen that it seems to be a man who wears a mask and is called the
Minotaur, although he really is not a minotaur but here is Professor Diez
Platas who can surely correct me. A goat, a deer, a lion and what may be a
dog although Olga Krizkovska considers that it is a bullman and not a
dogman. Well, of course, the point is that he does not have horns and it
looks like he has a necklace on but hey, I'm not going to stop much here.
These signs appear during the Neopalacean period, therefore it has been
deduced that they may have influences from the continent because they
appear from the head of an animal, a half body of an animal and the lower
half of a man or human. Perhaps they have to do with specific groups,
priests, etc. Matilde Civitilo has made a long description of this,
considering that they may have a function or be related to the ritual
field. They appear in isolation, or this other one, a lion eating an
animal. And, as Olga Krizkovska says, remains a matter of speculation.
Well, the interpretation that Black Colmer proposes in several places is
that they are part of the metaphysical field, which has a vague meaning
because they do not appear in these narratives as a variable, and it is
believed that they are animals with human components. There are those who
believe, John Younger for example, that they may be individuals
characterized by masks, and it is the same idea that Foster follows in an
article where he refers to other types of masks. There are other signs of
masking. John Younger again says that this may be lion masks, but it can
also be helmets or crabs, as Irene says, or the 10 silver cross that lives
in Galicia. Also, this lady who is said to be a lioness, who may wear a
mask that looks like claws, but it is in a narrative context perhaps
related to the sacrifice by the 8-shaped shields and the animal. And she is
a lady who is something different from the others who seem to be gentlemen
all the time. And now I think Eugenio continues. So it was also convenient
to review some data from the year before Christ. And although some isolated
data from other regions can be found, we have preferred to focus on this
presentation in two regions, which for other reasons that we will briefly
mention later, are usually connected with the Mycenaean world as they are
regions that have archaic features from a linguistic point of view, but
also from a religious point of view and from other perspectives. For this,
although we have logically consulted the available bibliography, a couple
of articles published by Adred are especially useful, where it has reviewed
the evidence with which we count on one hand for Cyprus we have found
representations of this type in which figures appear, as you can see here.
In this case it is about four figures who seem to be dancing. They are also
Ityphallic, that is, clearly masculine, but they present animal heads that
have been usually interpreted and dated, as you can see there, between the
8th and 7th centuries BC. We are not going to show all the documentation
because it is abundant, but here they have another example. In this case it
is also another figure that has an animal head. It has been discussed
whether it can be a bear or if it can be a wolf and it has also been
interpreted that in this case it is from the sanctuary of Atenea Alea,
Tegea and dated in the 7th century BC. And then, although there is an
important chronological leap because we have to go to the Hellenistic and
Roman era, but a revival has been spoken here of older religious traditions
to which the appearance of this type of figures in the sanctuary of
Despoina, in Lycosura, which as you can see is the first century of the
era, where we find terracotta figures that present animal heads. It has
been thought, and by the way it seems to be so, that it is a carnivore. It
is also well known within the group of Amofonte the cult of Amofonte the
mantle of Despoina where in these stripes that you can see here better in
the developed part well, now we see a detail in the lower part, in the
lower strip some figures appear that have animal heads. Here is a detail of
some of them they have tried to give interpretations of specific animals
for each one which in some cases are feasible human figures of people who
seem to wear masks. Different interpretations have been proposed of this
phenomenon by Lucas that the people who are participating in the cult
identify themselves with the wild nature of divinity after a ritual that
will lead to ecstatic situations, we would say and part of this is the fact
of characterizing as those animals. Although Avereth questions it and says
that they do not necessarily have to be rituals of orgiastic nature but
hey, it seems that it is not discussed because it is clearly seen that
these are this type of figurines and then the other area where they appear
abundantly is in Cyprus this is just a selection of these figurines in
which people clearly appear who wear masks, in some cases even gives the
feeling as you see on your right that it seems that they are putting or
removing the mask with which it seems to be quite clear. Here we also have
another case when one visits the archaeological museums of Cyprus, it is
really full of figurines of this type that clearly represent characterized
human figures. Here they have a map taken from Avereth's work where you can
see the distribution of these figurines that wear masks, distributed
throughout the island basically on the coast but also in places inside that
are not mountainous and where there are sites linked to shrines because
that is one of the interesting elements where they appear because you see
that practically all over Cyprus. Here we have male figures, the most
represented animal is the bull and then also a social interpretation that
leads to think as it had already been proposed for other elements that were
linked to the elites even the possibility was raised that they were linked
to royalty Now I continue. In relation to this, we thought about whether
there is any link between what happens in Mycenaean Greece and what happens
particularly in Arcadia and Cyprus because it draws attention since the
figurines of Lycosura appeared in 1899 which is a much older tradition and
the abundance of stereomorphic imagery because they are not only figurines
but in Arcadia there are goddesses and bread also with animal character
already indicated, according to some that this could be a very old thing
and go back to the second millennium In addition, there have been other
links The first is the Archado-Cypriot dialect which is related to
Mycenaean The myth of Agapenor, which is an Arcadian in relation with the
foundation of the ancient Apaphos The cult of Aphrodite Apathia in Tegea
although Roy says it's a Hellenistic thing a revival also invented and
these horsemen who are sitting this way have appeared lately in the
Sanctuary of Poseidon near Olympia I don't remember exactly the place but
I'll remember In Arcadia there is an important leap between what we know in
the 7th century of Petroguni and what we know in Lycosura which is much
later Stereomorphic horses are common in the Arcadian religion Some, like
Aston, have interpreted that these have to do with nostalgic creations of
the Roman period with an identity question In Cyprus, specifically in
Enkomi and Kition there is evidence of cow skulls which are used as we saw
they are used but also there are not only cow skulls but also human masks
which has been used as proof to show a Phoenician influence about Kition
and Enkomi that I don't see very clear However, as Boyatzis says the
historical conditions could allow to consider that there is a continuity
and that culture has been preserved Although Averett is a bit of Aston's
opinion he ends up saying that there is a revival but, as we said the other
day for there to be a revival there has to be a Bible If there is a revival
there has to be a revival because there is evidence of ritual
theriomorphism in the Mycenaean field In addition, Irene Serrano has worked
a lot about the relation between dance and these animal figures because
there are animals and musicians in the FQ series There are important
parallels between the dances of birds If you look at the catalogue of old
comedies not only of Aristophanes but also of fragmentaries there are a lot
of names of birds that designate the choir that would be formed by birds
and maybe there is some proof of this in the stamps Here are the comedies
that have already been adopted by Waldhainer, Chardelli, Carlos Varias In
conclusion we can say there is no conclusive evidence but it seems that
there would be a ritual theriomorphism in Mycenaean Greece but we can't say
it exists in Arcadia and Cyprus In my opinion images like this are not
exactly masked although they could belong to another tradition because they
are from the continent compared to the others that are from Crete I don't
know if there is continuity but it could be The masks rituals are generally
related to initiation rituals but also to those of Ortea, Artemis and
Ortean in Sparta and in the case of the Tablidas de Tebas we should
understand the famous Free Temporal Closes whose meaning except for the one
of Tugoteto which seems to be related to Tizemi and Cios the rest is not so
clear there are groups of people designated by animal by animal names both
in the Mycenaean world in our opinion it's not easy to determine if they
were really animal-like or not but there is a possibility because there are
proofs that it could be and all of this leads us to think that they
participate in the cult and ritual which was proposed by John Keelen Thank
you very much for this super communication I can't thank you enough for
your punctuality because you have eaten 7 minutes 1 that was given to you
by Professor Wittaker and 6 that were necessary because as there are 3 of
you you have to give 2 so now we open... I'm running out of time it's 5.15
and we started but we came to play so I think I will be hybrid also here in
talking to open the debate with questions or ideas or comments to the paper
of Professor Wittaker and then to the 3 the 3 magnificent so that's it who
wants to make a comment? regarding... nothing online Carlos, yes in Fritz
now the question although the red light is on where it says Nick and this
is understood now yes, right? yes thank you very much Dr. Helen Wittaker
for this wonderful paper about the problems of continuity of the places and
the working but this is different exactly from your topic but it's not
exactly about your topic it's about the complex and you talk about the two
bigger figures female generally I don't know tomorrow perhaps we will speak
but I would like to ask you your opinion if you like now of your topic but
if the lower figure from a few that you have not entered in the paper. Do
you consider her not goddess but what kind there, which is smaller this is
what I would like your opinion about this I think it's possible that she
might be a priestess or. So, yeah. Do you mean the small figures between
the two women I think and champion had the idea that this is not a deity
but multiple woman I don't see any reason for that to raise arms she's a
goddess, I think. Okay. Thank you. Thank you. I agree with you. Yeah.
Experiment of thought by and shaping a thing but yeah this is quite true.
Yeah. I don't have any strong opinions on it I mean I was perhaps. I mean
except for the fact that she's smaller but that might be just the way the
fresco is laid out and the way she is dressed in the animal and so on. I
think probably suggests a goddess, but it's. So, the problem of how to
organize the neural scheme. Yeah. This is nice to me and not minor. Yeah,
for me this one experience. Dimension does not necessarily mean no
difference in semantic Yeah, I agree with that. At least one of these
standing large scale woman. Well this is a goddess as well. So there's a
mixture combination of different. Yeah, yeah. Thank you. I agree. This is a
spoiler for tomorrow but I think if I can intervene I really agree I think
because of all the dress and the gesture, I would say that is a goddess.
And a very good balance in Mano and but also in late Mycenaean iconography
to this type of a show a few examples tomorrow. So it's not an isolated
image isolated pictorial motive as a long tradition and later in Mycenae
itself with the same similar motive in ivory reliefs for instance. Yeah, I
agree. Divine. Thank you. Can you want to. Yeah. Okay, short question to
thank you for your paper, of course. You've mentioned and presented this to
an equal centrist endurance, the lowest citadel, and this very interesting
ritual context so called temple in the building team the upper, the upper
citadel. Of course it's difficult to compare them because they're so
different. But with regard to ritual the ritual finds could you compare it
what's what could have been the relation between them. A great many
differences of course there's some similarities in late Atlantic so we see
of course, but with regards to your main subject. What could be the
relation between them. I'm not sure if relation between late Atlantic 3C
dates to the same period. Yeah, it's Mycenaean religion, of course. Yeah,
it's Mycenaean I mean late 3C is my, I mean it's clearly Mycenaean religion
and it's clearly Bronze Age religion. And well, I mean there isn't anything
really you can compare it to because Terence is unique. And, but, I mean, I
used to be skeptical about burnt animal sacrifice in Mycenaean Greece but
Jörg has changed my mind. So and I was thinking about the altar the fact
that it's become more accessible and there's, you know, it's not inside an
enclosed courtyard and the fact that it's changed its shape from round to
square but at the same time still incorporating the round altar I thought
that was interesting. And it looks possibly a bit more like classical
altars which are rectangular or square. So perhaps if you could see that
burnt animal sacrifice in the Bronze or in the Palatial period was a non,
primarily a non-elite practice then it might be possible for the rulers of
the new rulers at Terence to sort of adopt the popular ritual in order to,
and I mean the evidence from the Bronze Age is you know very diverse. I
mean, except the pylos bones so then it's from a palatial context but at
the same time this seems mostly to have been associated with open air
rituals so, and it's also the case probably that you know they have their
own ritual in the open air. And, and then there's a question of why did it
become so. Why did they become the main way of communicating with the gods
in the Iron Age that must at some point have a history behind it. And so I
admit this is speculative and so on, but I thought it was something that
could be worth discussing anyway. So, we are pointing to a different
direction. We see post palatial elites. Yes, yeah. Well, we're talking
about the same spot. Yeah. But that's the ritual on the, the sanctuary and
the, the overbook belong to a different social sphere than that in the post
palatial period. Yeah, this would be interesting. Yeah, post palatial
traditions. And that seems to be instances in the interval that seems to be
have become more popular religion and to use Robin Hanks terms. And the
overbook will be. Yeah. This would be very interesting. Yeah. Thank you so
much for your paper. And I was wondering whether you think more of internal
evolution, or there is also the possibility of a foreign impact in this
transformation. I haven't thought so much about a foreign impact that's not
more about. Yeah, internal process. But, yes. Any other questions for
Professor, with a car. No. No. So we change, which is which into Spanish or
as the most prominent as well. Also is can can be done in English. Asking
English, and there's but I lost this professor is 30 more figures. Other.
Yes, Professor back on me yeah. So, congratulations to paper to question on
this this animal mask. I personally think it's not so much the question
where we're animal masks were born in a ritual context I think you can find
that in every popular ritual culture at any time. I think the main question
is where we're in this ritual texting thieves animal masks are mean or not,
and in this iconographic examples. Other iconographic examples. You have
shown and not shown any master I mean, and not. And I think there's one
idea perhaps this was investigated published anywhere else. But I just had
the idea. Animal masks are situated in a certain ritual level, and perhaps
on a similar ritual symbolic level. We can put animal or therapeutic
writer. Perhaps, perhaps not. So, if we compare the animals in animal
writer late Mycenaean ritual late Mycenaean period is not very prolific in
theoremorphic writer, but we could find many animals in near political
greed. Lion Paul does the representation of a Griffin for vessel in
Egyptian tomb paintings, and golden elements of the of the horns of an
agreement right on from the UK does published a few years ago. There's a
terracotta right on of a ball of a white ball from a good duty. This
reminded me you're big in the thieves tablet, but there's no snake head
right on no keys had right on no big no dog had right on his face I know.
So this is a different species of animals. And as far as I know, there are
no. It's not a single case where there's the same species of animals,
whatever that means. Different levels of symbolism, but it could be the
same. Perhaps this ritual groups thieves avoided to select the same species
of animals could be the case, perhaps this coincidence. I don't know.
Perhaps this was investigated already or not. No, no, no, no, I don't know
where there is an investigation about the type of animals. We know that
there's a lot of evidence of animals of ritual animals, also in the Middle
East, and in, in European in high tide, but also in all the Mesopotamia
region in the summer. The Sumerian and Akkadian. So, yes, I think we have a
huge path to to to investigate, but I don't remember I don't remember. in
the Middle East, but instead we have was, for instance, either the Middle
East, or does as well and we'll have that in shifts so yes. So I don't
know. Also in the iconographic examples you have shown us also in the, in
the, in the iconographic examples. Yeah, sure, sure, sure, different
animals with the exception of the dog. Yeah, man. Dog man. Yes. Yes,
because the lion one and the lion, we don't see it we don't see a person
there. No. Yes, well let's hit in the balls, we think there are because,
well, we based this in the day and the dance, mainly. Well, they mentioned
my study about the dance but there is a huge evidence of dances and mainly
we think there are people or people wearing masks, or an animal costume,
because they are, they are depicted as acrobats. And they are making a
tower of catharsis or something like that they're jumping, and they have
the, you know, the, the, the hands on the, on the, the feet. Yeah. Like
triangle something like that and, and, well, it's, pardon me if this
acrobats. If you mean this animal man on the land to it seems is a bit
difficult to decide because this could be due to the length of shape. Yeah,
that's, that's true. That's true. That's true as well. In any case, it's
not a, it's not very helpful for your question of the thieves animal
tablets. But I think this is a different species of animals. Yeah,
different ones not groups. Yes, we could expect in light of the right on
shapes, but they selected purposely perhaps different. Yeah, I don't know.
We don't know either. Sorry for disturbing. Thank you. Thank you for your
question. No, I think that you're right but I also think that it's
important one of the remarks made by one in the sense that if we were
looking for the same kind of connection in the iconography of the first
millennium, then we would have the same problem. So, I mean, a, I think we
must and we try to be cautious in the sense that we cannot reach a
conclusive conclusions. I mean we can guess we can have hints, but in the
end, we cannot be sure. And of course you are a right totally right, that
it is in most cases very difficult to tell apart a mask people from other
kinds of figures and geniuses and wherever, but we were discussing when
prepare the presentation. And for the publication we will try to include
more information about that. They were doing it was mentioning, because I
think it is important to make comparisons between the shape and the way the
figures are presented when they are totally human, because if I think that,
for instance the lion biting a on another animal. Clearly, must be
something different. But in other cases, if you put together two seals.
Yeah, they appear to be more like acrobats, because that's the way people
are represented. But again, another challenge and we have been discussing
that with some of our colleagues who work on a dancing antiquity, their way
and was doing a working on that and doing research on that for her
dissertation, the way of deciding whether representation is actually dance
or not. And that's not easy again. And with tiny lentils, I agree with you,
you never know. And we work sometimes with drawings and before, also we
were we were talking about tablets, and I was telling me I wanted to see
the real time because sometimes we work also with translation I was like,
yes, here we have a doubt. And you need to see the real, the real evidence.
And when that lenders, it is difficult, but still we think that when there
is this kind of attitude as jumping with this triangle and hands or feet.
They seem to be a person, people or at least human attitudes. That's it. At
least maybe some, I don't know, mythological history, I don't know about
this. Someone that is biped has two legs, and then a human attitude. Yeah,
so we believe more or less in that on that but that is not conclusive. So
far you never know maybe tomorrow we will find, I don't know, 100 masks in
my dream. I don't know. Last point. Yeah, sure sure we're happy. So it's
interesting that I think you. The so called minute our sea stone minute our
motif. Yeah, I think this was the only example you have shown where only
the mask was. Well, if I remember correctly all other examples had also
animals, and then other parts of animal bodies. But for a mask you could
use the part for the head but could also cover the body. But there are very
few examples, only the head was covered by. Yeah, taken by an animal,
whatever that means. That's true. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you for your
question. Carlos CC. Well, I'll try to do as in English to follow the
language. So, thank you very much to all three for this magnificent
presentation and so on only. Well, have to say, well, two questions perhaps
another question you know, only is about the term codo that you have
mentioned, and this is related in general today. Because, as you say, it
will be singular, it was. Yeah, they do see what and the question that the
animals are in plural. Yeah. And, and the proposal, the proposal that these
is not an animal but the term. Refer to me, called God knows no food in
general. It fits now so we can record and so on so in this case. The second
is a question, as you probably will guess, not on good I know this is
different, but on a pet toy on this. That's why I have written that paper
years ago but it was, I'm not sure about it but still I wonder because if I
remember the in the chat release paper. She mentioned up to 19 animal names
in the first millennium no toy and so on. But there is no, I would like
also to know how the snakes. People like a snake, and we know further this
little terracotta figure the snake. And also in the, in the first
millennium that it was in a day on so on. Yes, snake so perhaps. I don't
know if it could be some difference though also a pet toy is only recorded
in the GP serious receiving wine or not serious on their own. Well, who
knows it is a question I don't know if you said this is different than they
watch your opinion but because you're compared on the Russians and so on.
Perhaps to you, you answer very, very quick. The. What, why we have is only
by chance probably only have this animal names in thieves. I mean it's
because now I have. Why not in pilots and other in other sites so it's only
by chance of the finding or what do you think, because it is in this but
not. Not in piles and so many descriptions that are not the most important
part of the my CD. Yes, that's our opinion about this. Thank you. If you
compare the data, the tablets with. I mean, we. Yes, but not, not only with
the rest of their guide with the ritual representations like these of the
these area from Naxos, or the others. I mean, we, we work. Always more or
less in the same way, we, we can reconstruct the real, the reality of my
seniors of my seniors and reconstructing a one, one reality from many from
different sites. I mean, it's not the same with the physicality for example
this is the hypothesis of jumper UV. There's only one physicality because
perhaps all the kingdoms are the same. No, this is the old hypothesis of a
jumper. But actually, we, we work more or less in the same way. Always
know. We take this from thieves, and other thing from missing it. For
example, the fresco of some test house. And we make a comparison. But
obviously, why in thieves are not in, and not in pilots, or in Nassau's
where there are many many tablets. So, I don't know if I. Okay. Thank you.
So yes, we don't know. Maybe it's only a coincidence. I have been thinking
about that for, for a long time when I was ready my, my PhD. The
established are very particular in terms of vocabulary. We almost all I
think I agree that they are so names there are groups of animals. The
epitope could be real animals, I don't know. For me, this is hard to
believe. I can understand more the hypothesis that they are not the snakes,
and they are quadruple pair so, but they are in the same category let's say
of people getting wine or cereals and groups of groups of animals that
people get in that so I think they are in the same category, category. Why
don't we have this animals you know they are in other archives, well in my,
my, my, my clinic, I will have the corner. We treat it. Oh, we believe this
is an anthroponym singular. Okay. So, but I don't know maybe we have lost a
lot of tablets recording cushy, and that's it. That's it. We don't know
about your question. I believe more that this is not an animal. Now, we
were thinking about including that or not we only wanted to go through all
the mentions that someone has thought it was an animal, but probably the
hypothesis that it is a term referred to, and not to an animal, but to a
couple more.